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Jude, Margaret, and Lilly with love
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Preface ix
1 Introduction 1
2 The Racial Context of South Africa 17
3 Education and Apartheid 40
4 Educational Aspirations and Political Realities 61
5 Governance and Access to Schools 81
6 Financing Schools: Initial Steps toward Equity 101
7 Balancing Public and Private Resources 130
8 Outcomes-Based Education and Equity 154
9 Educational Outcomes 173
10 Equity in Higher Education 201
11 Conclusion 232
Appendix Tables 249
References 251
Index 261
vii
Contents
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This book tells the story of South Africa’s efforts to fashion a racially
equitable state education system out of the ashes of apartheid—a story
that is both significant and compelling. South Africa captured the imagi-
nation of the world when it succeeded, in 1994, in transferring political
power from the white minority to the black majority without massive
bloodshed. In part because of the heroic figure of Nelson Mandela, who
emerged from twenty-seven years as a political prisoner to become the
first president of the new democracy, South Africa became a global sym-
bol of the struggle for human rights and racial equity.
Remarkable as it was, the successful transfer of political power from
white to black hands was only a first step toward the construction of a
strong, multiracial, and sustainable social order. South Africa’s fledgling
democracy also required new institutional structures built on the values
embodied in the country’s progressive new constitution, which guaran-
tees equal rights for all South Africans.
Reform of the state education system exemplifies this broader trans-
formation process under way in South Africa in the post-1994 period.
The new government inherited a system designed to further the goals
of apartheid, one that lavished human and financial resources on
schools serving white students while systematically starving those with
African, coloured, and Indian learners. Its task was to transform this
system into one that reflected the values of the new democracy and to
ix
Preface
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do so in a political and social context shaped by the historical legacy
of apartheid, the nature of the power sharing that emerged from the
negotiated settlement, and severe limitations on financial and human
resources.
The story of education reform in post-apartheid South Africa is also
important because it was driven by a quest for equity and fairness. The
concept of educational equity is attracting growing attention in political
debates around the globe. Equity is the underlying basis for the Educa-
tion for All movement, coordinated by the United Nations Educational,
Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), that was initiated
with a major world conference in Jomtien, Thailand, in 1990 and that
held a ten-year follow-up conference in Dakar, Senegal, in 2000.
Finally, South Africa’s experience is compelling because of the magni-
tude and starkness of the initial disparities and of the changes required.
Few, if any, new democratic governments have had to work with an
education system as egregiously—and intentionally—inequitable as the
one that the apartheid regime bequeathed to the new black-run govern-
ment in 1994. Thanks to the apartheid system, the socially constructed
racial classifications were so clearly delineated that they can provide a
firm basis for evaluating movement toward racial equity. Moreover, few
governments have ever assumed power with as strong a mandate to
work for racial justice. Thus the South African experience offers an
opportunity to examine in bold relief the possibilities and limitations of
achieving a racially equitable education system in a context where such
equity is a prime objective.
We conclude that South Africa has made significant progress toward
equity in education defined as equal treatment of persons of all races—
an achievement for which it deserves great praise. For reasons that we
explore, however, the country has been less successful in promoting
equity, defined either as equal educational opportunity for students of
all races or as educational adequacy. Thus educational equity has, to
date, been elusive.
Our research examines education reform efforts through 2002, which
is eight years after the end of the apartheid system. Since this is a very
short period, far too short for a thorough overhaul of the system, educa-
tion reform in South Africa is still very much a work in progress.
Nonetheless, much has already been changed and much accomplished.
If only because South Africans are in a hurry to make things work, it is
reasonable to take stock of the country’s progress at this time.
x ■ PREFACE
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The Nature of Our Research
Education policy in post-apartheid South Africa has been the topic of
numerous excellent articles and books, many of them published by
researchers and organizations deeply involved in the struggle against
apartheid and in the post-1994 education reform process. Among these
organizations are the Center for Education Policy Development, Evalua-
tion and Management in Johannesburg; Education Policy Units at vari-
ous South African universities; the Education Foundation; and the Joint
Education Trust. In addition, academics at universities throughout the
country have contributed significantly to the literature on education
reform in South Africa.
As a husband-wife team who spent the first six months of 2002 in
South Africa, we have benefited greatly both from the published work
of the analysts associated with these and other organizations and from
the time that many of them have spent sharing their views with us in
person. Though we cannot claim to have the insight that many of them
possess from their years of direct experience in South Africa, we bring
the independence and objectivity of informed outsiders and, we hope,
the skills required to do justice to the complex story of educational
transformation in South Africa.
One of us is an academic economist and policy analyst who has writ-
ten widely on education reform in the United States. Her statistical skills
are in evidence throughout the book in the analysis of trends and pat-
terns across South Africa as well as in more detailed analysis of school-
level data within provinces. The other is an education journalist who
covered education reform in the United States in his capacity as educa-
tion editor of the New York Times through 1991 and who since then
has written extensively about education reform in developing countries.
His observational and reporting skills are reflected in insights from prin-
cipals and other school personnel as well as from his accounts of how
various reform measures played out in schools. Together we perused
policy documents, surveyed the academic literature, and interviewed
academic experts and policymakers. These unstructured interviews, con-
ducted between February and July 2002, were designed to broaden our
understanding of the purposes of various policies as well as of the chal-
lenges that arose in their implementation.
For the benefit of international readers, we have included a chapter
on the country’s complex racial history and one on the role of education
PREFACE ■ xi
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during apartheid. This history is essential as context for understanding
the legacy of apartheid and how it shaped the country’s efforts to trans-
form its education system. For both international and South African
readers, our primary contribution is to structure the discussion and
detailed empirical analysis of the post-apartheid education reforms
around three concepts of educational equity: equal treatment, equal
educational opportunity, and educational adequacy. Although South
African policy documents and discussions do not always refer to equity
in these specific terms, they provide a powerful and useful analytical
framework for understanding both the ways in which educational
equity has been furthered and the ways in which it has remained elusive.
Acknowledgments
We express our deep appreciation to the institutions and people who
made it possible for us to live in South Africa from January to July 2002
and who made that time so rewarding and productive. We are particu-
larly grateful to the Fulbright Association, which provided a lecturing
and research grant to Helen Ladd. We were based in the School of Eco-
nomics of the University of Cape Town (UCT), and we are grateful to
the faculty and administrators who became our friends and colleagues
and who did so much to facilitate our work. Special thanks are due to
Murray Leibbrandt, director of the School of Economics. We are also
grateful to the Spencer Foundation, which provided additional research
support. We thank participants in seminars that we presented at UCT
and the University of Stellenbosch for their valuable feedback on early
versions of our research. In addition, we benefited from comments on
an earlier version of chapter 6 that we presented at an international edu-
cation conference in Johannesburg in the summer of 2002 and on an
earlier version of chapter 7 on school fees that will appear in a volume
edited by Linda Chisholm and published by the Human Sciences
Research Council.
We were fortunate to have access to policymakers throughout the
state education system. We are particularly grateful to Peter Present,
director of research at the Western Cape Education Department, who
provided us with extensive school-level data from the Western Cape and
was generous with his time and wisdom. We are also indebted to Riaan
van Rensburg of the Eastern Cape Education Department, who pro-
vided the EMIS data for that province. At the national level, we met
xii ■ PREFACE
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with Minister of Education Kader Asmal, who in addition to giving us
time from his busy schedule was instrumental in arranging conversa-
tions with some of his top advisers. In addition, we appreciate the time
and feedback from education and social policy experts at the Treasury,
including John Kruger and Andrew Donaldson.
We are deeply indebted to the scores of South Africans, including
researchers, policymakers, school principals, and vice chancellors of uni-
versities and technikons, who shared their time, data, and experiences
with us. Among this group a few should be singled out: John Pampallis
for his wisdom, contacts, and advice and for reviewing the draft manu-
script; Linda Chisholm for her help with the curriculum chapter and
comments on the fees chapter; Ian Bunting of UCT for sharing his data
and expertise on higher education; Johan Muller, Nick Taylor, and
Penny Vinjevold for their willingness to discuss the findings and conclu-
sions of their own extensive education research; and Servaas van der
Berg from Stellenbosch University, whose empirical research inspired
some of our work. We are indebted to Tania Ajam, Luis Crouch, Brahm
Fleisch, Jonathan Jansen, Lorraine Lawrence, Brian O’Connell, Bobby
Soobrayan, and Derrick Swartz, among many others too numerous to
mention. To all of them we offer our thanks.
No project of this scale can ever be completed without the help of
dedicated research assistants. We are particularly grateful to our two
South African assistants: Steven Kent, who did much of the school-level
analysis, and Richard Walker, who helped with the provincial and
higher-education data. At Duke University, we benefited from the assis-
tance of Karin Ward, Sandeep Bhattacharya, and Alicia Groh. In addi-
tion, we are grateful to two Duke colleagues, William Darity and Allen
Buchanan, both of whom read and critiqued the full manuscript. Their
contributions are larger than they know.
Finally, we offer our thanks to Christopher Kelaher, Robert Faherty,
Janet Walker, and others at Brookings Institution Press who shepherded
this book through to publication. These include Vicky Macintyre, who
edited this volume; Carlotta Ribar, who provided proofreading services;
and Robert Elwood, who indexed the pages.
PREFACE ■ xiii
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